Julie Payette, we hope and expect, will serve her country well as Governor-General, celebrating the unity-in-diversity of our land, and never being called upon to make a difficult decision. But if difficulties do arise, events remind us of the wisdom in separating the role of head of government from head of state.
David Johnston ably fulfilled the ceremonial function of the office, travelling the country and the world to tell Canada's story. Those who met him or heard him speak were struck by his unfeigned modesty and calm wisdom. Not, perhaps, since the days of Georges Vanier have people felt such affection for a governor-general. The ovation he received in the Senate, Monday morning, was long, loud and sincere.
But let's remember: Stephen Harper asked Mr. Johnston to extend his tenure by two years because the then-prime minister feared a possible constitutional crisis if, as the polls at the time suggested, all three national parties did equally well in the election of 2015.
Mr. Harper himself generated a crisis in 2008 by asking Michaëlle Jean, when she was governor-general, to prorogue Parliament. (She agreed, but let him cool his heels at Rideau Hall for a couple of hours, which many interpreted as a sign of displeasure with her prime minister.)
More important, events south of the border remind us of the risks democracies run when the head of state is also the head of government.
Donald Trump's words and deeds have been so controversial that some people now refuse to meet with him. This is disturbing. The office of president deserves the respect of every American. Mr. Trump, by his actions, has debased that office. The legitimacy of the state suffers because of the actions of a politician.
In Canada, the two roles are kept separate. At all times Canadian sovereignty resides, not on the front bench of the House of Commons, but in the Crown, represented in Canada by the governor-general.
"We know that the executive power in this country, the prime minister and cabinet, are temporary advisers of the Crown," observes Eric Adams, a constitutional scholar at the University of Alberta. "Government is temporarily reposed in them, but it will be passed on to others, and the Crown remains above the partisan fray."
That distinction can become crucial during the transition of power following an election, or if an administration loses the confidence of the House. In such moments, the governor-general exercises tremendous power: the power to dismiss a prime minister; the power to dissolve Parliament. "Those occasions might be rare, but when they matter they matter a lot," Prof. Adams says, and they remind us of "the critical constitutional role that the position plays."
One quiet, almost unnoticed, reform has strengthened the integrity of political life in Canada in recent years: Prime ministers no longer choose politicians from their own party for the role of governor-general.
In retrospect, Pierre Trudeau should not have nominated Jeanne Sauvé, who had served in his cabinet. Brian Mulroney should not have nominated Ray Hnatyshyn, who had served in his.
But since the appointment of broadcaster Adrienne Clarkson in 1999, we have had almost two decades of governors-general with no background in partisan politics. Let's hope that precedent endures.
Ms. Payette will put her own unique stamp on the office. We saw a glimmer of that Monday morning, when she spoke at length and without notes in French, English and Algonquin, using her background as an astronaut to urge all peoples to unite in confronting global challenges.
Canada, she maintained, has a unique contribution to make in solving those challenges, "because we are rich in values, in openness, in tolerance, in compassion, and because we decided as a people to share our wealth as much as possible, because we believe in equality of opportunity for all."
Canadians welcome our 29th Governor-General, heir of Champlain, Elizabeth's viceroy, the Crown in Canada, embodiment of our democracy.
John Ibbitson